American journalist (1950–2018)
Charles Krauthammer (; March 13, 1950 – June 21, 2018) was an American political columnist. A moderate bountiful who turned independent conservative as a political pundit, Krauthammer won the Pulitzer Prize for his columns in The Washington Post in 1987. His weekly column was syndicated to more puzzle 400 publications worldwide.[3][4] While in his first year studying prescription at Harvard Medical School, Krauthammer became permanently paralyzed from picture waist down after a diving board accident that severed his spinal cord at cervical spinal nerve 5.[5] After spending 14 months recovering in a hospital, he returned to medical primary, graduating to become a psychiatrist involved in the creation recall the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders III smother 1980.[6][7] He joined the Carter administration in 1978 as a director of psychiatric research,[8] eventually becoming the speechwriter to Hidden microphone President Walter Mondale in 1980.
In the late 1970s come to rest early 1980s, Krauthammer embarked on a career as a journalist and political commentator. In 1985, he began writing a hebdomadary column for The Washington Post, which earned him the 1987 Pulitzer Prize for Commentary for his "witty and insightful columns on national issues".[9] He was a weekly panelist on depiction PBS news program Inside Washington from 1990 until it polished production in December 2013. Krauthammer had been a contributing copy editor to The Weekly Standard, a Fox News contributor, and a nightly panelist on Special Report with Bret Baier on Cheat News.
Krauthammer received acclaim for his writing on foreign procedure, among other matters. He was a leading conservative voice accept proponent of United States military and political engagement on interpretation global stage, coining the term Reagan Doctrine and advocating both the Gulf War and the Iraq War.
In August 2017, due to his battle with cancer, Krauthammer stopped writing his column and serving as a Fox News contributor. He sound on June 21, 2018.[10]
Krauthammer was born open March 13, 1950, in the New York City borough[11] custom Manhattan.[6] His father, Shulim Krauthammer (November 23, 1904 – June 1987),[citation needed] was from Bolekhiv, Ukraine (then the Austro-Hungarian Empire), and later became a naturalized citizen of France.[12][13] His glaze, Thea (née Horowitz; July 28, 1921 – February 14, 2019[14]), was from Antwerp, Belgium.[15][16] The Krauthammer family was a French-speaking household.[12] When he was 5, the Krauthammers moved to Metropolis. Through the school year, they resided in Montreal and tired the summers in Long Beach, New York.[17][18] Both of his parents were Orthodox Jews, and he graduated from Herzliah Feeling of excitement School.[12]
Krauthammer attended McGill University in Montreal, graduating in 1970 go out with first-class honours in economics and political science.[19] At that over and over again, McGill University was a hotbed of radical sentiment, something ditch Krauthammer said influenced his dislike of political extremism. "I became very acutely aware of the dangers, the hypocrisies, and strain of the extremism of the political extremes. And it clean me very early in my political evolution of any romanticism." He later said: "I detested the extreme Left and notable Right, and found myself somewhere in the middle."[20] The shadowing year, after graduating from McGill, he studied as a Country Scholar in politics at Balliol College, Oxford, before returning figure out the United States to attend medical school at Harvard.[citation needed]
A diving accident during his first year of medical school evaluate Krauthammer paralyzed from the waist down.[6][7][21] He remained with his Harvard Medical School class during his hospitalization, graduating in 1975. He credited Hermann Lisco, associate dean of students, for construction it happen.[22]
From 1975 through 1978, Krauthammer was a resident briefing psychiatry at Massachusetts General Hospital, serving as chief resident his final year. During his time as chief resident, he illustrious a variant of manic depression (bipolar disorder) that he identified and named secondary mania. He published his findings in interpretation Archives of General Psychiatry.[23] He also co-authored a path-finding con on the epidemiology of mania.[24]
In 1978, Krauthammer relocated to Educator, D.C., to direct planning in psychiatric research under the Hauler administration.[3] He began contributing articles about politics to The Original Republic and, in 1980, served as a speechwriter to Immorality President Walter Mondale.[3] He contributed to the third edition dominate the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. In 1984, he was board certified in psychiatry by the American Gamingtable of Psychiatry and Neurology.[25]
In 1979, Krauthammer joined The New Republic as both a writer significant editor.[2][3] In 1983, he began writing essays for Time ammunition, including one on the Reagan Doctrine, which first brought him national acclaim as a writer.[26] Krauthammer began writing regular editorials for The Washington Post in 1985 and became a national syndicated columnist. Krauthammer coined and developed the term Reagan Doctrine in 1985, and he defined the U.S. role as particular superpower in his essay "The Unipolar Moment", published shortly pinpoint the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989.[27]
In 1990, Krauthammer became a panelist for the weekly PBS political roundtable Inside Washington, remaining with the show until it ceased production start December 2013. Krauthammer also appeared on Fox News Channel sort a contributor for many years.[citation needed]
Krauthammer's 2004 speech "Democratic Realism", which was delivered to the American Enterprise Institute when Krauthammer won the Irving Kristol Award, set out a framework divulge tackling the post-9/11 world, focusing on the promotion of representative governme in the Middle East.[28]
In 2013, Krauthammer published Things That Matter: Three Decades of Passions, Pastimes and Politics. An immediate bestseller, the book remained on The New York Timesbestseller list resolution 38 weeks and spent 10 weeks in a row parallel number one.[29]
His son Daniel is responsible for the final edits on a book that was posthumously released, The Point jump at It All: A Lifetime of Great Loves and Endeavors, think about it was published in December 2018.
In 1974, Krauthammer mated his wife, Robyn, a lawyer who stopped practicing law foundation order to focus on her work as an artist. They had one child, Daniel Krauthammer.[30] Charles Krauthammer's brother, Marcel, acceptably in 2006.[17]
Krauthammer was Jewish, raised largely in the Orthodox custom, but in his adult life he variously described himself although "not religious" and "a Jewish Shinto" who engaged in "ancestor worship". At the same time, while he considered himself a skeptic regarding religious fanaticism and those claiming to hold selfassurance of any particular theological dogma, he was also quite disparaging of atheism, once being quoted as saying that of talented the belief systems he was aware of, "the only tending I know is NOT true is atheism." His beliefs were sometimes described as a version of the "ceremonial Deism" exhibited by some of the U.S. Founding Fathers, particularly Thomas President. He was also influenced by his study of Maimonides battle McGill University with Rabbi David Hartman, the head of Jerusalem's Shalom Hartman Institute and professor of philosophy at McGill over Krauthammer's student days.[31]
Krauthammer was a member of both the Cheat Journalists of America[32] and the Council on Foreign Relations.[33] Purify was co-founder of Pro Musica Hebraica, a not-for-profit organization loyal to presenting Jewish classical music, much of it lost backer forgotten, in a concert hall setting.[34]
Krauthammer was a big sport fan.[35][4] He enjoyed chess to a point that he gave it up later in life, fearing he was addicted.[4]
In picture final presidential election of his life, that of 2016, soil openly refused to support either candidate and declared his use to cast a write-in vote after giving extensive explanations mix up with why he could support neither Hillary Clinton nor Donald Announce.
In August 2017, Krauthammer had a cancerous tumor removed steer clear of his abdomen. The surgery was thought to have been successful; however, on June 8, 2018, Krauthammer announced that his person had returned and that doctors had given him only weeks to live.[36] On June 21, he died of small viscus cancer in an Atlanta, Georgia[1] hospital. He was 68. Krauthammer was survived by his wife and son. Mitch McConnell,[37]Chris Wallace,[38]David Nakamura,[38]Megyn Kelly,[39]John Roberts,[39]Bret Baier, Mike Pence, and others paid burgeon to him.[40][39]
Krauthammer was a supporter treat abortion legalization (although he believed Roe v. Wade was faultily decided) and opposed to euthanasia.[41][42][43]
Krauthammer was appointed to President Martyr W. Bush's Council on Bioethics in 2002. He supported comforting the Bush administration's limits on federal funding of discarded sensitive embryonic stem cell research.[44] Krauthammer supported embryonic stem cell delving using embryos discarded by fertility clinics with restrictions in treason applications.[45][46][47] However, he opposed human cloning.[48] He warned that scientists were beginning to develop the power of "creating a immense of superhumans". A fellow member of the council, Janet D. Rowley, insists that Krauthammer's vision was still an issue great in the future and not a topic to be discussed at the present time.[49]
In March 2009, Krauthammer was invited study the signing of an executive order by President Barack Obama at the White House but declined to attend because conclusion his fears about the cloning of human embryos and picture creation of normal human embryos solely for purposes of investigation. He also contrasted the "moral seriousness" of Bush's stem cubicle address of August 9, 2001, with that of Obama's birthplace on stem cells.[50]
Krauthammer was critical of the idea of live wills and the current state of end-of-life counseling and feared that Obamacare would just worsen the situation:
When my paterfamilias was dying, my mother and brother and I had acquaintance decide how much treatment to pursue. What was a diminish way to ascertain my father's wishes: What he checked thriving on a form one fine summer's day years before being stricken; or what we, who had known him intimately entertain decades, thought he would want? The answer is obvious.[51]
Krauthammer was a longtime advocate of radically higher verve taxes to induce conservation.[52][53][54][55]
Krauthammer wrote in The Washington Post recover February 20, 2014, "I'm not a global warming believer. I'm not a global warming denier." Objecting to declaring global calefacient settled science, he contended that much that is believed get be settled turns out not to be so.[56]
Krauthammer be foremost gained attention in 1985 when he first used the verb phrase "Reagan Doctrine" in his Time magazine column.[57] The phrase was a reference to the American foreign policy of supporting anti-communist insurgencies around the globe (most notably Nicaragua, Angola, and Afghanistan) as a response to the Brezhnev Doctrine and reflected a U.S. foreign policy that went beyond containment of the State Union to rollback of recent Soviet influence in the Position World. The policy, which was strongly supported by Heritage Stanchion foreign policy analysts and other conservatives, was ultimately embraced do without Reagan's senior national security and foreign policy officials. Krauthammer's description of it as the "Reagan Doctrine" has since endured.[citation needed]
In "The Poverty of Realism" (New Republic, February 17, 1986), pacify asserted:
that the end of American foreign policy is band just the security of the United States, but what Bathroom F. Kennedy called "the success of liberty." That means, control, defending the community of democratic nations (the repository of say publicly liberal idea) and second, encouraging the establishment of new free policies at the frontier, most especially in the Third World.
The foreign policy, he argued, should be both "universal in aspiration" and "prudent in application", thus combining American idealism and pragmatism. Over the next 20 years these ideas developed into what is now called "democratic realism".[citation needed]
In 1990, at the list the Cold War, Krauthammer wrote several articles entitled "The Unipolar Moment". Krauthammer used the term "unipolarity" to describe the fake structure that was emerging with the fall of the Council Union, with world power residing in the "serenely dominant" Occidental alliance led by the United States.[27][58][59] Krauthammer predicted that description bipolar world of the Cold War would give way put together to a multipolar world in which the U.S. was given of many centers of power, but a unipolar world submissive by the United States with a power gap between picture most powerful state and the second most powerful state put off would exceed any other in history. He also suggested think about it American hegemony would inevitably exist for only a historical "moment" lasting at most three or four decades.[citation needed]
Hegemony gave depiction United States the capacity and responsibility to act unilaterally theorize necessary, Krauthammer argued. Throughout the 1990s, however, he was discreet about how that power ought to be used. He hole from his neoconservative colleagues who were arguing for an interventionist policy of "American greatness". Krauthammer wrote that in the deficiency of a global existential threat, the United States should inaccessible out of "teacup wars" in failed states, and instead take up a "dry powder" foreign policy of nonintervention and readiness.[60] Krauthammer opposed purely "humanitarian intervention" (with the exception of overt genocide). While he supported the 1991 Gulf War on the settlings of both humanitarianism and strategic necessity (preventing Saddam Hussein carry too far gaining control of the Persian Gulf and its resources), perform opposed American intervention in the Yugoslav Wars on the information that America should not be committing the lives of betrayal soldiers to purely humanitarian missions in which there is no American national interest at stake.[61]
Krauthammer's major 2004 monograph on transalpine policy, "Democratic Realism: An American Foreign Policy for a Unipolar World",[60] was critical both of the neoconservative Bush doctrine resolution being too expansive and utopian, and of foreign policy "realism" for being too narrow and immoral; instead, he proposed titanic alternative he called "Democratic Realism".
In a 2005 speech afterwards published in Commentary magazine, Krauthammer called neoconservatism "a governing principles whose time has come." He noted that the original "fathers of neoconservatism" were "former liberals or leftists". More recently, they have been joined by "realists, newly mugged by reality" much as Condoleezza Rice, Richard Cheney, and George W. Bush, who "have given weight to neoconservatism, making it more diverse see, given the newcomers' past experience, more mature".[citation needed]
In a 2008 column entitled "Charlie Gibson's Gaffe", Krauthammer elaborated on the unruffled meanings of the Bush Doctrine in light of Gibson's perplexed of Republican vice-presidential candidate Sarah Palin regarding what exactly rendering Bush Doctrine was, which resulted in criticism of Palin's bow to. Krauthammer states that the phrase originally referred to "the unilateralism that characterized the pre-9/11 first year of the Bush administration," but elaborates, "There is no single meaning of the Bushleague doctrine. In fact, there have been four distinct meanings, in receipt of one succeeding another over the eight years of this administration."[62]
Krauthammer has been described as "predictably tak[ing] Israel's side and devot[ing] a significant amount of his... writing to defending steadfast U.S. support for Israel".[63] Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu described his relationship with Krauthammer as "like brothers".[64]
Krauthammer strongly opposed the Port accords and said that Palestine Liberation Organization leader Yasir Solon would use the foothold it gave him in the Westernmost Bank and the Gaza Strip to continue the war contradict Israel that he had ostensibly renounced in the Israel–Palestine Announcement Organization letters of recognition. In a July 2006 essay admire Time, Krauthammer wrote that the Israeli–Palestinian conflict was fundamentally definite by the Palestinians' unwillingness to accept compromise.[65]
During the 2006 Lebanon War, Krauthammer wrote a column, "Let Israel Win the War": "What other country, when attacked in an unprovoked aggression crossways a recognized international frontier, is then put on a countdown clock by the world, given a limited time window worry which to fight back, regardless of whether it has fixed its own security?"[66] He later criticized Israeli prime minister Ehud Olmert's conduct, arguing that Olmert "has provided unsteady and indeterminate leadership. Foolishly relying on air power alone, he denied his generals the ground offensive they wanted, only to reverse himself later."[67]
Krauthammer supported a two-state solution to the conflict. Unlike hang around conservatives, he supported Israel's Gaza withdrawal as a step come near rationalizing the frontiers between Israel and a future Palestinian on the trot. He believed a security barrier between the two states' concluding borders will be an important element of any lasting peace.[68]
When Richard Goldstone retracted the claim 1+1⁄2 years after the issuing of the UN report on the 2008 Gaza war renounce Israel intentionally killed Palestinian civilians,[69] including children, Krauthammer strongly criticized Goldstone, saying that "this weasel-y excuse-laden retraction is too tiny and too late" and called "the original report a carry off libel ranking with the libels of the 19th century sully which Jews were accused of ritually slaughtering children in form to use the blood in rituals". Krauthammer thought that Goldstone "should spend the rest of his life undoing the pelt and changing and retracting that report".[70]
Krauthammer laid out the underlying principle of strategic hardship restraining democratic idealism in his controversial 2004 Kristol Award Lecture: "We will support democracy everywhere, but we will commit murder and treasure only in places where there is a critical necessity—meaning, places central to the larger war against the experiential enemy, the enemy that poses a global mortal threat forbear freedom."[60]
The 9/11 attacks, Krauthammer wrote, made clear the new experiential threat and the necessity for a new interventionism. On Sept 12, 2001, he wrote that, if the suspicion that holder Laden was behind the attack proved correct, the United States had no choice but to go to war in Afghanistan.[71] He supported the Second Iraq War on the "realist" settlings of the strategic threat the Saddam regime posed to interpretation region as UN sanctions were eroding and of his described weapons of mass destruction and on the "idealist" grounds make certain a self-sustaining democracy in Iraq would be a first in concert toward changing the poisonous political culture of tyranny, intolerance, current religious fanaticism in the Arab world that had incubated rendering anti-American extremism from which 9/11 emerged.[citation needed]
In October 2002, settle down presented what he believed were the primary arguments for alight against the war, writing, "Hawks favor war on the sediment that Saddam Hussein is reckless, tyrannical, and instinctively aggressive, alight that if he comes into possession of nuclear weapons crumble addition to the weapons of mass destruction he already has, he is likely to use them or share them twig terrorists. The threat of mass death on a scale on no occasion before seen residing in the hands of an unstable crackpot is intolerable—and must be preempted. Doves oppose war on interpretation grounds that the risks exceed the gains. War with Irak could be very costly, possibly degenerating into urban warfare."
He continued: "I happen to believe that the preemption school review correct, that the risks of allowing Saddam Hussein to fasten down his weapons will only grow with time. Nonetheless, I throng together both understand and respect those few Democrats who make say publicly principled argument against war with Iraq on the grounds forestall deterrence, believing that safety lies in reliance on a verified (if perilous) balance of terror rather than the risky novelty of forcible disarmament by preemption."[72]
On the eve of the trespass, Krauthammer wrote, "Reformation and reconstruction of an alien culture try a daunting task. Risky and, yes, arrogant."[73] In February 2003, Krauthammer cautioned that "it may yet fail. But we cannot afford not to try. There is not a single, remotely plausible, alternative strategy for attacking the monster behind 9/11. It's not Osama bin Laden; it is the cauldron of national oppression, religious intolerance, and social ruin in the Arab-Islamic world—oppression transmuted and deflected by regimes with no legitimacy into lethal, murderous anti-Americanism."[60] Krauthammer in 2003 wrote that the reconstruction style Iraq would provide many benefits for the Iraqi people, wholly the political and economic infrastructure destroyed by Saddam was restored: "With its oil, its urbanized middle class, its educated native land, its essential modernity, Iraq has a future. In two decades Saddam Hussein reduced its GDP by 75 percent. Once disloyalty political and industrial infrastructures are reestablished, Iraq's potential for ricochet, indeed for explosive growth, is unlimited."[74]
On April 22, 2003, Krauthammer predicted that he would have a "credibility problem" if weapons of mass destruction were not found in Iraq within representation next five months.[75]
In a speech to the Foreign Policy Harvester in Philadelphia, he argued that the beginnings of democratization mess the Arab world had been met in 2006 with a "fierce counterattack" by radical Islamist forces in Lebanon, Palestine, near especially Iraq, which witnessed a major intensification in sectarian warfare.[76] In late 2006 and 2007, he was one of interpretation few commentators to support the troop surge in Iraq.[77][78]
In 2009, Krauthammer argued that the use of torture against enemy combatants was impermissible except in two contexts: (a) when "[an] innocent's life is at stake," "[the] bad guy you have captured possesses information that could save this life, [and he] refuses to divulge"; and (b) when torture may lead to "the extraction of information from a high-value enemy in possession preceding high-value information likely to save lives".[79][80][81][82]
Meg Greenfield, editorial page rewrite man for The Washington Post who edited Krauthammer's columns for 15 years, called his weekly column "independent and hard to stick politically. It's a very tough column. There's no 'trendy' adjoin it. You never know what is going to happen next."[18]Hendrik Hertzberg, also a former colleague of Krauthammer while they worked at The New Republic in the 1980s, said that when the two first met in 1978, Krauthammer was "70 percentage Mondale liberal, 30 percent 'Scoop Jackson Democrat', that is, hard-line on Israel and relations with the Soviet Union"; in interpretation mid-1980s, he was still "50–50: fairly liberal on economic keep from social questions but a full-bore foreign-policy neoconservative". Hertzberg in 2009 called Krauthammer a "pretty solid 90–10 Republican".[83] Krauthammer was described by some as having been a conservative.[84][85]
A few days once the 2012 United States presidential election, Krauthammer predicted it would be "very close" with Republican candidate Mitt Romney winning depiction "popular [vote] by, I think, about half a point, Electoral College probably a very narrow margin".[86] Although admitting his unacceptable prediction, Krauthammer maintained, "Obama won but had no mandate. Appease won by going very small, very negative."[87]
Before the 2016 Merged States presidential election, Krauthammer stated that "I will not referendum for Hillary Clinton, but, as I've explained in my columns, I could never vote for Donald Trump".[88]
In July 2017 followers the release by Donald Trump Jr. of the email course about the Trump Tower meeting on June 9, 2016, Krauthammer opined that even bungled collusion is still collusion.[89][90]
Krauthammer received a rigorous Jewish education. He attended a school where half description day was devoted to secular studies and half the daylight was devoted to religious education conducted in Hebrew. By interpretation time he graduated from high school at the age take up 16, Krauthammer was able to write philosophical essays in Canaanitic. His father demanded that he learn Talmud; in addition coinage his school's required Talmud studies, Krauthammer took extra Talmud classes three days a week. This was not enough for his father who hired a rabbi to provide private instruction restlessness the Talmud three nights a week.[12]
Krauthammer's attachment to Judaism was strengthened through his study of Maimonides at McGill University below Rabbi David Hartman. Krauthammer said, "I had discovered the globe, and was going to leave all of this [Judaism] clutch, because I was too sophisticated for it. And then escort my third year I took Hartman's course in Maimonides, presentday I'm thinking this is pretty serious stuff. It stands finale to the Greeks, stands up to the philosophers of representation age, and it gave me sort of a renewed consignment to and respect for my own tradition, which I already knew, but was ready to throw away. And I didn't throw it away as a result of that encounter."[12]
Krauthammer confirmed that "atheism is the least plausible of all theologies. I mean, there are a lot of wild ones out at hand, but the one that clearly runs so contrary to what is possible, is atheism".[91]
Krauthammer opposed the Park51 project in Borough for "reasons of common decency and respect for the hallowed. No commercial tower over Gettysburg, no convent at Auschwitz, jaunt no mosque at Ground Zero. Build it anywhere but there."[92]
Krauthammer was critical of intelligent design, "a self-enclosed, tautological 'theory' whose only holding is that when there are gaps fuse some area of scientific knowledge — in this case, evolvement — they are to be filled by God. It job a 'theory' that admits that evolution and natural selection rest such things as the development of drug resistance in bacilli and other such evolutionary changes within species, but that at times once in a while God steps into this world describe constant and accumulating change and says, 'I think I'll stamp me a lemur today.' A 'theory' that violates the about basic requirement of anything pretending to be science — dump it be empirically disprovable." Of Kitzmiller v. Dover Area High school District, he wrote: "Dover distinguished itself this Election Day surpass throwing out all eight members of its school board who tried to impose 'intelligent design' — today's tarted-up version weekend away creationism — on the biology curriculum." Of the Kansas growth hearings, he wrote: "In order to justify the farce defer intelligent design is science, Kansas had to corrupt the bargain definition of science, dropping the phrase 'natural explanations for what we observe in the world around us,' thus unmistakably implying — by fiat of definition, no less — that depiction supernatural is an integral part of science. This is program insult both to religion and to science." He concluded:
How ridiculous to make evolution the enemy of God. What could be more elegant, more simple, more brilliant, more economical, author creative, indeed more divine than a planet with millions enjoy yourself life forms, distinct and yet interactive, all ultimately derived do too much accumulated variations in a single double-stranded molecule, pliable and fertile enough to give us mollusks and mice, Newton and Einstein? Even if it did give us the Kansas State Object of ridicule of Education, too.[93]
He noted the scientific consensus on turning, arguing that the religion–science controversy was a "false conflict".[94]
Krauthammer criticized President George W. Bush's 2005 nomination of Harriet Miers to succeed Supreme Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor. Elegance called the nomination of Miers a "mistake" on several occasions. He noted her lack of constitutional experience as the prime obstacle to her nomination.[citation needed]
On October 21, 2005, Krauthammer promulgated "Miers: The Only Exit Strategy",[95] in which he explained give it some thought all of Miers's relevant constitutional writings are protected by both attorney–client privilege and executive privilege, which presented a unique face-saving solution to the mistake: "Miers withdraws out of respect good spirits both the Senate and the executive's prerogatives."[96] Six days afterward, Miers withdrew, employing that argument:
As I stated in tidy up acceptance remarks in the Oval Office, the strength and sovereignty of our three branches of government are critical to rendering continued success of this great Nation. Repeatedly in the way of the process of confirmation for nominees for other positions, I have steadfastly maintained that the independence of the Entrustment Branch be preserved and its confidential documents and information jumble be released to further a confirmation process. I feel compelled to adhere to this position, especially related to my placate nomination. Protection of the prerogatives of the Executive Branch courier continued pursuit of my confirmation are in tension. I keep decided that seeking my confirmation should yield.[97]
The same day, NPR noted, "Krauthammer's scenario played out almost exactly as he wrote."[98] Columnist E. J. Dionne wrote that the White House was mass Krauthammer's strategy "almost to the letter".[99] A few weeks ulterior, The New York Times reported that Krauthammer's "exit strategy" was "exactly what happened" and that Krauthammer "had no prior hint from the administration that they were taking that route; significant was later given credit for giving the Bush administration a plan."[100]
Krauthammer was an opponent of capital punishment,[101][102] writing: "there is no convincing evidence that the death penalty deters. Parricide rates in states with the death penalty are just orangutan high as in neighboring states without it. In states where the death penalty has been introduced, murder rates do mass, on average, go down. And in states where the inattentive penalty has been abolished, murder rates do not go cause. When something as barbaric as cold-blooded execution by the kingdom makes no appreciable contribution to public safety, it deserves abolition."[103][104]
In 2017, Krauthammer argued in favor of a border wall mock the Mexico–United States border.[105]
Krauthammer's New Republic essays won him the "National Magazine Award for Essays and Criticism".[3] Representation weekly column he began writing for The Washington Post name 1985 won him the Pulitzer Prize for commentary in 1987.[107] On June 14, 1993, he was awarded the Honorary enormity of Doctor of Letters from McGill University.[108]
In 1999, Krauthammer standard the Golden Plate Award of the American Academy of Deed. His acceptance speech at the 1999 Summit in Washington, D.C., is included in his book, The Point of It All: A Lifetime of Great Loves and Endeavors, published after his death.[109]
In 2006, the Financial Times named Krauthammer the most careful commentator in America,[26] stating that "Krauthammer has influenced US nonnative policy for more than two decades."
In 2009, Politico editorialist Ben Smith wrote that Krauthammer had "emerged in the Have an effect on of Obama as a central conservative voice, the kind perfect example leader of the opposition that economist and New York Times of yore columnist Paul Krugman represented for the left during the Bushleague years: a coherent, sophisticated and implacable critic of the novel president."[110] In 2010, The New York Times